A
reasonable person might conclude that George W. Bush was a bad president, or
that he was a reasonably good one. No
reasonable person could view his Presidency as a smashing success. Those who view him as the worst President
ever are stroking their own puds. The Washington Post has a
reasonable take, from the Left.
In
Iraq Mr. Bush gambled his nation's international alliances and reputation. We
agreed with him that Saddam Hussein's defiance of
multiple U.N. Security Council resolutions was
intolerable and that sanctions against his regime could neither contain the
long-term threat of weapons of mass destruction nor deliver the Iraqi people
from unendurable tyranny. Like the president's, our sense of the war's
necessity was shaken by the absence of WMD. Unlike the president's, our sense
of his administration's competence was shaken by the war's disgracefully bad
planning, which contributed to Iraq's post-invasion plunge into horrific
violence. The global backlash against the war, especially in Europe, has cost
the United States dearly, making it more difficult to rally the world against
Iran's nuclear ambitions. Though relations with Europe have been significantly
repaired, Iran exploited the divisions in Western ranks to make mischief in
both Iraq and Afghanistan -- and to advance its bomb-building.
But,
as matters in Iraq now stand, there is a decent chance of a reasonably
pro-American incipient democracy in the heart of the Arab Middle East. This
would be a major accomplishment, and one that would cast the invasion, the
failures of the early years of occupation and the painful loss of more than
4,000 American lives and many thousand more Iraqi lives in a different light
than the one in which they are seen by most Americans now. It would also
vindicate his unpopular decision to stabilize Iraq with more U.S. troops rather
than abandon it to civil war and possible genocide -- an instance in which Mr.
Bush's self-assurance and steadfastness paid off.
Perhaps
the brightest example of humanitarianism in Mr. Bush's record is his commitment
of vast new resources to the battle against AIDS in Africa. With the Millennium
Challenge Account, he attempted to link foreign aid to honest and efficient
governance. And he put the United States firmly on the side of democracy and
freedom, arguing, correctly, that the transformation of dictatorial regimes is,
in the long run, necessary to peace and security. "Around the world,
America is promoting human liberty, human rights and human dignity," he
declared on Thursday. But he did not always practice what he preached; in
Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, support for dictators, justified by the
anti-terrorism campaign, trumped support for liberty. The same desire for
anti-terrorism cooperation may explain his protracted reluctance to recognize
or respond to Russia's descent toward autocracy at home and bullying abroad. In
China and North Korea, trade and denuclearization, respectively, prevailed. It
is still too early to tell whether his choice of diplomacy in those areas will
pay off; by not following through on his rhetoric, though, Mr. Bush ensured
that he would get blame for being inconsistent without getting credit for any
results. And, it's worth remembering, his blind faith in simplistic economics
-- tax cuts for every season -- led him to pay for all his wars and foreign aid
on credit, helping produce today's fiscal disaster.
That’s
what a fair critique of the Bush years looks like. The WaPo admits what most Bush critics
completely ignore: that Saddam Hussein’s defiance of U.N. resolutions and
agreements he himself signed would have been grounds for war in any earlier
age. I would add that neither President
Clinton nor Al Gore nor John Kerry nor the Democrats in Congress ever offered
an alternative Iraq policy. The WaPo is
unusually fair on other matters.
From
the right, Charles
Krauthammer
makes a more important point.
Except
for Richard Nixon, no president since Harry Truman leaves office more unloved
than George W. Bush. Truman's rehabilitation took decades. Bush's will come
sooner. Indeed, it has already begun. The chief revisionist? Barack Obama.
Vindication
is being expressed not in words but in deeds -- the tacit endorsement conveyed
by the Obama continuity-we-can-believe-in transition. It's not just the
retention of such key figures as Secretary of Defense Bob Gates or Treasury
Secretary nominee Timothy Geithner, who, as president of the New York Fed, has
been instrumental in guiding the Bush financial rescue over the last year. It's
the continuity of policy.
It
is the repeated pledge to conduct a withdrawal from Iraq that does not
destabilize its new democracy and that, as Vice President-elect Joe Biden said
just this week in Baghdad, adheres to the Bush-negotiated status of forces
agreement that envisions a U.S. withdrawal over three years, not the 16-month
timetable on which Obama campaigned.
It
is the great care Obama is taking in not pre-emptively abandoning the
anti-terror infrastructure that the Bush administration leaves behind. While
still a candidate, Obama voted for the expanded presidential wiretapping (FISA)
powers that Bush had fervently pursued. And while Obama opposes waterboarding
(already banned, by the way, by Bush's CIA in 2006), he declined George
Stephanopoulos' invitation (on ABC's "This Week") to outlaw all
interrogation not permitted by the Army Field Manual. Explained Obama:
"Dick Cheney's advice was good, which is let's make sure we know
everything that's being done," i.e., before throwing out methods simply
because Obama campaigned against them.
Yes. Obama will keep more of Bush’s policies than
he rejects. Sorry.
In
a recent telephone conversation with an esteemed South Dakota reporter, I gave
Bush a gentleman’s C. That’s not because
his policies were mediocre, but because a lot of highs and lows average
out. Bush failed to adequately prepare
for the invasion of Iraq, but he did belatedly correct his policy and we did
win the war. He oversaw an expansion of
government that we can now ill-afford.
On the environment, the U.S. has done better than most of our scolding
European allies. Bush didn’t nail Osama,
but he gutted the international terrorist apparatus, by wrecking its finances,
reducing its communications to smuggled video tapes, and by killing so many of
its leaders that no one left in Al Qaeda can know or trust anyone else. Maybe a gentleman’s C was unfair. It was not overly generous.
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