I have received some interesting and thoughtful comments on this topic. You can read the first two posts here and here. The question is the causal connection, if any, between the Welfare Reform Act of 1996, and the fact that teen pregnancy rates in D.C. plummeted after 1996. See The Washington Post's Susan Levine for the story.
The District [of Columbia] has accomplished dramatic improvement. In 1996, its
pregnancy rate for the same age group was 164.5 per 1,000. Appalled by
the triple digits, a coalition of nonprofit groups and city agencies
began reaching out to various communities, holding public discussions
and trying to teach parents how to talk to their children about love,
sex and relationships. ...Advocates vowed to reduce the rate to the mid-70s by 2005. Instead, as
statistics released this month show, it plunged to 64.4.
Ms. Levine fails to mention welfare reform in her story about the plunging pregnancy rates, but I think the two are obviously connected. My interlocutors do not. Josh puts it this way:
I just doubt that the newly passed welfare reform was in the minds of
teenage girls when they made the decision to have unprotected sex. I do
not doubt that Dr. Blanchard might have had thoughts on federal policy
in his head prior to his first sexual encounter, but he is a wise man
and probably the exception. Nonetheless, my personal experience going
to an alternative high school that provided childcare, a service many
students used, the welfare reform act was far from the minds of the
teen parents I knew.
Just because teenage girls make decisions that Josh and I would not recommend doesn't mean they are incapable of rationality. Babies are cute, and they bring with them a certain status and source of self-esteem along with the welfare check. Besides, very rare is the person who depends solely on our his or her own reason to navigate life. When we decide whether to marry or just shack up, whether to have kids at all, whether to buy health insurance, we pick up clues from our family and peers. A teen women living in a household and neighborhood where pregnancy early and out of wedlock is the norm is more likely to become pregnant than if she were living in different circumstances. The notion that young women are making decisions in isolation from the larger culture is surely a mistake.
When Aid to Families with Dependent Children became Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, that was a big change in the revenue stream flowing to the post-60's welfare society. Before that act, welfare was an entitlement. Anyone who qualified got the assistance for as long as she qualified. After that, there was a strict limit (I believe of five years). I submit that this would have ripple effects all through the local culture. Teen women were capable, I suppose, of noticing when a bun in the oven was not as happy an event as it used to be.
Josh is quite right to point out that the correlation of welfare reform and pregnancy rate decline does not prove causation.
I am reminded of a statics lesson on spuriousness. Ice cream sales are
highly correlated with rape. Does that mean that the increased
distribution of ice cream causes incidents of rape? No, we would be
better served to look for a third event correlated with both events,
which might better serve as a cause for the correlations. For the case
of ice cream and rape, the summer heat might be a good start.
When government pays folks a lot less to do something, and they start doing a lot less of it, that isn't exactly like ice cream and rape. It's a lot more like sunshine and snowmen. The causal force looks pretty obvious. But Josh thinks there is another explanation.
In the case of teenage pregnancy, perhaps we should look at the 50
million dollars per year that the 1996 bill included for abstinence
programs.
East River makes the same point:
You neglected to mention one of the key factors the article points to:
better access to and education about contraception.
"Most studies give more credit to teens' greater use of condoms and
other protection and the wider array of options available to them,
including such long-acting choices as the birth control patch.
Calvert County makes contraception accessible to girls at its family
planning clinics for no charge and, except in rare cases, no questions.
The approach might explain why the teen birthrate there fell 46 percent
by 2005."
Well it might, were it not for the fact that abstinence programs and family planning clinics were nothing new in 1996. Calvert County, Maryland, had been doing what East River remarks on for some time before that, and the teen pregnancy continued to skyrocket. Government sponsored abstinence programs had generally proven to be very ineffective, at least before 96. Why did all these programs suddenly start working after 1996?
Moreover, the teen pregnancy rate began to decline, after decades of alarming increase, in all states after 96. Did every state in the Union suddenly figure out how to discourage teen women from having babies, and just suddenly and universally apply this knowledge? And this, despite the fact that these teens are, as my interlocutors suppose, incapable of weighing the consequences of their decisions? Is it not more plausible that it was a change in national policy, over which the states had minimal control, that achieved national results?
Jamie sends me this note:
As a former example of a "teen pregnancy", I can assure you that
previous to the act which catapulted me into that position, I spent
absolutely zero time considering whether I would qualify for welfare. I
would venture to say the large percentage of teenage mothers do not
"plot" their pregnancies. A better guess as to the cause of the
decline, I think, might be greater access to sex ed. or even
information in general. With the stigma toward sex falling down around
us, young people are much more likely to have information available to
them that helps in avoiding teen pregnancy.
I am sure Jamie is right that most do not "plot" their futures, but clearly young women are more or less likely to become pregnant in different circumstances. The numbers are a response to something. The "stigma toward sex" that Jamie speaks of began to fall in the 1950's. The sexual revolution happened in the sixties, not when Newt Gingrich became Speaker of the House. If information about and access to contraception became readily available only after 1996, well, that is a big story, and one nobody has heard about until now.
The commenters all want to argue that the one big thing that changed in 1996 was a mere coincidence. I see no reason that that is plausible. I don't deny that the social programs they point to are part of the story. But we need an explanation for why, after decades of failure, they started working in the mid-nineties. Nor do I think that Welfare Reform was the only "big factor" in the change. It looks like the teen pregnancy rate began to fall off in a lot of places just before Welfare Reform. It also seems that pregnancy rates have also begun to decline in Canada. Most likely, welfare culture was poised to change in the last decade. Moreover, I suspect that the economic effects of welfare reform were powerful, but secondary; more important was the unambiguous message (changes in monetary incentives are the most effective medium of information) that American society was no longer going to subsidize certain kinds of behavior. Either way, it seems silly to deny that Welfare Reform was a factor a dramatic change in teen pregnancy rates.
I am grateful to those who posted comments for this exchange.
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