The New York Times reported last week about the influence the California primary elections are having after they moved their primary date from June to the first week of February. Before the move, candidates went to California to collect money to fund their campaigns in Iowa and New Hampshire. Now they must address the concerns of Californians, and its a move that other states may follow:
In the months since California moved its presidential primary to Feb. 5 from June, the major presidential campaigns have sought to measure how the early nominating contests being held here and in about 20 other states that day will shape their tactical calculations: where to travel, whom to hire, how to spend money.
The primary calendar — and, potentially, the relative influence of the states — is still very much in flux. Just this week, Florida voted to move its primary up to Jan. 29 in an effort to ensure that it would play a vital role in the nominating process and that the candidates would pay attention to the issues its residents deem important. Other states with important early roles, like Nevada and South Carolina, are also hoping to draw attention to issues rooted in their regions or in the makeup of their populations.
But its sheer size, its concentrations of both liberals and conservatives, its status as a money tree for candidates and its role as fertile ground for policy innovation make California especially likely to wield additional clout this time around. The result is not just a change in tactics; it is altering the dialogue of the presidential contest in substantive ways. It is forcing candidates to turn their attention to issues, debates and controversies that have historically drawn little attention on the early playing fields of Iowa and New Hampshire.
The most striking example is global warming, an issue that was rarely raised in the past two presidential campaigns. Mike Huckabee, the former governor of Arkansas, was reminded of this on Thursday night when he was asked on national television at the first Republican presidential candidates’ debate, in Simi Valley, if he thought global warming existed. (Yes, Mr. Huckabee said, though he skirted the issue of whether humans were primarily responsible for it.)
Readers will recall our roundtable discussions between myself and my colleagues about South Dakota moving its primary, which the South Dakota legislature considered last year. It can be frustrating being from a small, populous-scarce state near the end of the primary schedule and have little impact on presidential nominations. It wasn't always the case with South Dakota. In 1952, several presidential candidates visited South Dakota when it was near the front of the primary schedule. The battle between Senator Robert Taft of Ohio and General Dwight Eisenhower was close. Before South Dakota, Taft had won Nebraska, Illinois, Wisconsin, and West Virginia, while Eisenhower picked up New Hampshire, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts and Oregon. Taft won South Dakota 50.3% to Eisenhower's 49.7%. See the South Dakota History article by Philip K. Grant entitled "The 1952 Republican Presidential Primary" in the Winter 1977 edition for more information. Similarly tight races occurred in 1980 and 1988.
However, the benefit of moving the primary forward to Californians is lost when all the other states decide to do the same. The jockeying for power and influence in national politics, contrary to my earlier support of moving the primary forward, is harmful to the nation, as Dr. Schaff has explained on several occasions. It would be exciting to have South Dakota as a key player in the presidential nomination process. For a political junkie like myself, I would love to have presidential candidates touring the state, and Fox News and CNN putting us front-and-center. Plus, the candidates would visit South Dakota and address our concerns, something that isn't done very often since most of their money and influence comes from coastal states. Yet, the leapfrogging that will result from state after state moving their primary forward as they auction themselves off to political pandering is detrimental overall. In this scenario, state's aren't moving their primaries forward so citizens can hear the platforms of politicians. All voters receive is a generic platform in which they have little influence, because there's no time for candidates to express their ideas clearly. We can see it today: the frontrunners on the Democratic ticket are Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama -- not so much because they have good ideas, but because one has name recognition and the other is a fresh face. The same can be said for Rudy Giuliani and Fred Thompson on the GOP side.
So, how do we solve this? There are several ideas out there. One is Congress should set up a rotating panel of primaries, where four or five Super Tuesdays settle the question and the order rotates each presidential cycle. A federalist perspective would argue for allowing states to set their own primary dates, but for Federal office, shouldn't Congress be allowed to control the time frame? How else can we learn about candidates, and how can candidates develop themselves? The races today are all about name and money, not issues and concerns. If we keep at the current rate, primaries my extend a full year or more before the general election, forcing more fundraising for both primary races and the general election. This makes it impossible for a dark horse candidate to compete.
I recommend giving a read Dr. Blanchard's modest proposal for primary reform, and a reader response to his idea. Also see his Aberdeen American News article on the issue. Also see this Wikipedia entry on reform proposals. It seems that the biggest areas of concern for most when they talk of moving the primary forward is the greater voice it gives the state and the economic benefits the state receives from hosting the primary. The solution, I think, is Dr. Blanchard's idea:
If you really want reform, the way to do it is divide the states into five groups, each including large and small states from every region of the country. Each group would be assigned the first Tuesday of some month from February to June. In subsequent elections the order would be rotated, so everyone gets to go first sooner or later. The purpose would not be to benefit one party or another, or any state over the others, but to do what is best for the Republic.
This would settle the concerns. It may not be perfect and may not tease out certain details and complexities, but I don't think that's the issue right now. We need to find a solution to the front-loading, and Dr. Blanchard's idea is a step in the right direction. First and foremost, we eliminate the problems of front-loading the primary schedule. Second, each state in Blanchard's proposed groups would reap economic benefits at some point in the Presidential nomination cycle by hosting the regional primary. Finally, by having the populations of states determine the group, the presidential nominees will have to address the similar issues they all face. South Dakota certainly faces similar issues as North Dakota, Iowa, and Wyoming, for instance. The solution to primary reform isn't to thrust several states to the front, but to revamp the entire process.
Do we want a scenario where we vote in midterm elections, and then prepare for the first primaries within ninety days? Do we want to see the perpetual campaign, or do we want to see issues addressed and settled with significant time to hear from all who are willing to go after the highest office in the country? If we don't act soon, we may find we have created a situation where no political party can afford to act outside its own partisan electoral interests.
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