Chad Schuldt asks if anybody can defend the Iraq war. I would like to take him up on that challenge. What I post below should not be construed as a defense of the Bush administration. So I will not accept the rejoinder of "But that's not what Bush said," or "But that's not what Bush is doing." Chad asked for a defense of the war, not of Bush. And sorry, this is going to be another long post.
There are two items. First, one must defend going to war. Then one must defend staying deeply involved for some extended period of time.
Defending going to war, in no particular order:
1. WMDs. Of course this is a much maligned reason at this point. But let's consider some facts. We know that at one point Hussein had chemical weapons and used them on the Kurds and Iranians. We know that he kicked out UN inspectors in 1998. Despite what you've heard, every major intelligence agency in the world agrees that Iraq was seeking nuclear material in Africa. Even Joe Wilson's report to the government after his trip to Africa confirmed this. Wilson, it has now been well documented, lied in public about what his report said. Don't forget that if it were not for an Israeli attack in 1981, Iraq probably would have had nuclear weapons by 2003. We know there was a will to have nuclear weapons and there was an attempt to obtain nuclear material. Given the events of 9-11, could we afford to wait for a "smoking gun" to prove that Iraq had WMDs? That smoking gun may have been a smoking city. Also recall that in late 2002 Hussein refused once again to comply with weapons inspections. If you know a guy has had WMDs, you know he is seeking material for more dangerous WMDs, and he refuses to let inspectors in to see if he has WMDs, what conclusions do you draw? You draw the conclusion that he has some WMDs to hide. What about subsequent to the war? Of course we have only found extremely small amounts of chemical weapons. But a couple points. First, although I would not want to hang my hat on this argument, knowing that Hussein did not have a large stockpile of WMDs is worth knowing. How do we know he didn't have them? We went to war. That knowledge is not without value. Second, it is clear that there were WMD programs in operation, if not large amounts of WMDs. In the era of global terrorism it was too much of a gamble to hope that Hussein had no WMDs and if he did have them to hope that he would not use them or sell them to someone who would. Also, North Korea shows that if you wait until a "rogue nation" has nuclear weapons, your options are quickly reduced.
2. Evils of the regime. If it was just to go into Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia, and Kosovo on humanitarian grounds, then it was just to go into Iraq on humanitarian grounds. Also, don't forget that President Clinton had to apologize for our inaction in the Rwandan genocide, and I happen to think our inaction in the Sudan is almost as bad. I don't mean to be flip, but here's a lesson from Spiderman 2: With great power comes great responsibility. Of course the US cannot operate everywhere there are atrocities, but a sense of justice suggests US should use its amazing power to defend the defenseless when it prudently can. Because of our history with Hussein and the events of 9-11 turning our attention even more to the state of the Middle East it seemed that the desire to defend human rights met the political opportunity to defend them. We defended human rights in Kosovo because we could. We are limited in our actions against China because military action would cause WWIII, and we are limited with North Korea because we don't want to see South Korea nuked. No, I am not blind to the financial interests involved. Hussein's regime would rape, torture, and murder family members right in front of suspected dissidents. The secret police were everywhere. People lived in constant fear. We have unearthed mass graves. This was an evil regime. If we could remove it, we should remove it.
3. The 1991 war never ended. A war ends with a peace agreement. The 1991 war only ended with a cease fire. The 1990s were a history of a low level war with Iraq. In 1998 after the expulsion of UN weapons inspectors the US Congress, including Tom Daschle, voted to make it US policy that Saddam Hussein be removed from power. President Bill Clinton signed that bill and thus it became US policy. Again, given our history with Iraq and the post 9-11 interest in the Middle East, it seemed the time to execute the policy had arrived in 2003. Perhaps 12 years of pussy footing and 16 UN resolutions were enough.
4. Democracy. For the millionth time I direct you to Thomas Barnett's Pentagon's New Map. The way to combat terrorism is to integrate its sponsors into the global world. That means we must encourage democracy and integration into the global economy. Given greater prosperity, freedom, and education the calls of the terrorist will go unheeded. In the name of human rights and American security we should promote democracy and economic freedom in the world. I am aware of the shortcomings of this model, yet I cannot think of a better policy.
5. Hussein did have ties to international terrorism. Note that Abu Nidal and Abu Abbas had received safe haven in Iraq.
For more on the reasons for war, see former Clinton NSC staffer Kenneth Pollack's The Threatening Storm.
Why stay the course? Without defending this or that tactic of the Bush Administration, let's sum up:
1. If all or most of the reasons above are true, then our cause was just and we owe it to the Iraqi people to see this through to the end. If 1, 3, or especially 4 are true, we owe it to the American people to see this through to the end. If a free, prosperous and friendly Iraq makes the US safer, then we should do our part to make sure that Iraq is free, prosperous and friendly. I think Frederick Kagan has some good thoughts on the nuts and bolts of the matter. I think for the good of Americans and for the good of Iraqis we should stick this one out for the foreseeable future.
2. While I understand its limitations, the idea that if we just pulled out it would mean victory for the forces of terror does have its validity. Sure, there is some point at which you say, "This is not going to work. We need to just cut our losses." I am not at all convinced we have reached that point. Of course, the problem is there is no real way to know for sure when that point has been reached. I think given the costs of leaving early we should err on the side of staying too long rather than leaving too early. Many in the world have learned a powerful lesson: The Americans are gutless. If you hit them they run. They cannot stomach death and if you just wait long enough you will beat them. Take the "Black Hawk Down" episode. Over two days we killed about 1,000 Somali militia, and they killed 18 American servicemen. Who won the battle? They did, because they are still there and we left. I have seen interviews with Somali militia and they are convinced that they defeated the US military and they are more powerful than the United States. Given the evidence, are they so wrong to believe that? What is more provocative? Is it showing weakness or showing strength? I think it is showing weakness. A lesson has been learned over time that if you militarily confront the US you just need to wait them out. Can the US operate in a world where Somali militia or Iraqi insurgents do not respect our power? I think not. This said, I think reason #1 is a better argument. If the cause is a good cause, if the policy is the best policy, then we should see it through to its end.
I make this challenge to Chad. I have made a point by point argument for the war and the continuation of US military involvement in Iraq. Can you do the same for your point of view? And if you can, I challenge you to articulate a counter foreign policy that you think will best defend America from international terrorism and also fulfill America's duty to promote human rights around the world. Or is Chad like Democratic Senator and presidential hopefull Evan Bayh?
"We can do better than the false bravado of 'bring 'em on' — remember
that? We can do better than the illusion of 'mission accomplished,' "
Bayh said, throwing the words back at the president, though offering
little in the way of a policy alternative.
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