A reader has forwarded Senator Daschle's response to the July 22, 2004 Wall Street Journal editorial headlined "Daschle's Dead Zone." Below is the entire text of that response:
Thank you for contacting me regarding the recent Wall Street Journal editorial expressing frustration and assigning blame for what they consider to be the lack of legislative progress in the Senate. I appreciate this opportunity to respond to the Journal's less-than-full picture of events.Right-wing pundits and the Republican congressional leadership have used the "obstructionist" label in an effort to both generate momentum for their policy agenda and explain where it has failed. However, there is another side to this story. Where some see Democratic obstructionism, others see an unwillingness on the part of the Republican leadership to negotiate with those senators with whom they disagree. Our Founding Fathers consciously structured the legislature as a place where opposing views are discussed and legislation is negotiated, not dictated. And that is what is happening here.
First, the editorial cites the failure to complete action on three specific bills - the corporate tax bill, welfare reuthorization legislation, and class action reform - as examples of Democratic "obstructionism." The facts belie that claim.
With regard to the corporate tax bill, the Senate passed the bill on May 11, and I called for its swift consideration in the House of Representatives. The House did not schedule action on the bill until June 16, more than a month later. As soon as the House did act, the Senate agreed to the appointment of a House-Senate conference committee to reconcile the differences between the House- and Senate-passed bills. However, to date, the House has still not appointed its members, or conferees, so the conference has not yet begun. The Senate has not delayed this bill; to the contrary, the Senate has done everything it could to expedite its passage. On this bill, the ball is clearly in the House of Representatives' court.
On welfare reauthorization, although I worked with Majority Leader Bill Frist to bring the bill to the Senate floor in March, he withdrew it after only one amendment had been considered. An August 8 Washington Post article may shed some additional perspective on this and similar bills. It reports, "Frist tends to shift to a different bill when he hits legislative roadblocks, rather than grind through tough negotiations that would
probably involve concessions to political opponents."The Journal correctly asserts that over 60 senators were expected to support the class action reform. What they neglect to mention is that the Majority Leader refused to work with Democratic and Republican senators who wanted to offer amendments to the bill, which is their legislative right. Soon after the Senate turned to the bill, while a Republican amendment was pending, Majority Leader Frist filed cloture to cut off further debate. As a result, the bill received only 44 votes. And it is important to note the bill failed due to bipartisan opposition to the Majority Leader's attempts to silence legitimate debate. Conservative columnist Robert Novak's take on the vote: "Republicans pulled defeat from the jaws of victory."
The Journal editorial also uses a graphic containing a list of bills that have allegedly ended up in the "Senate Graveyard." When combined with the provocative title of the editorial - "Daschle's Dead Zone" - the clear,
but false implication is that I am responsible for blocking the items listed in the graphic. Again, a closer look at the record reveals the truth.On energy legislation, I voted in favor of cutting off debate on the bill last fall, much to the distress of many of my Democratic colleagues. The reason the energy bill has not been passed this year is because the Republican leadership in the House insists on retaining a provision to protect polluters of ground water, without which the bill would easily have the support it needs to achieve passage. Every time the bill has been brought up in the Senate, I have voted for it.
With regard to extending middle-class tax cuts, on July 22, the White House killed a bipartisan plan to extend these tax cuts for two years, and further discussions have been postponed until September. That plan was agreed to by key Senate and House Republican leaders, but torpedoed by the White House.
And as for bankruptcy reform, the flag burning amendment, and pension security, the Republican leadership has not yet called any of these bills up for consideration in the Senate.
Finally, charges of "obstructionism" ignore the fact that I have worked with the President and the Republican-controlled Congress on many issues, from the slate of post-September 11 proposals Congress enacted, to corporate accountability legislation, to the forest health bill. In the last seven months alone, Senate Democrats have cooperated in moving forward on legislation that funds nearly every aspect of our government, pension funding equity, victims' rights legislation, and defense reauthorization and appropriations bills. We've reached an agreement on appointing conferees for the transportation bill and finalized an agreement with the White House on judicial nominations. In total, the Senate has confirmed over 95 percent of the President's judges.
I understand why the Wall Street Journal editorial frustrates you. I hope presenting a broader perspective on the Journal's charges will give you a fuller understanding of what actually happened in these instances. Thanks again for contacting me.
With best wishes, I am
Sincerely,
Tom Daschle
United States Senate
TAD/spm
Recent Comments